Ile Ori/Ori Ile II, 2011, acrylic, wool and graphite on canvas, diptych, each panel 54×60 inches

Skoto Gallery is pleased to present Ile Ori/Ori Ile (House of the Head/Head of the House), an exhibition of drawings and paintings by Osi Audu. Born in Nigeria, the artist was educated in that country and the United States. For over a decade now, he has maintained a strong professional presence in Korea, Japan, Great Britain, United States, Italy, Germany, Austria and Africa through highly acclaimed exhibitions of his paintings. His work is in several private and public collections including The British Museum; The Horniman Museum, London; Schmidt Bank, Bayreuth, Germany; The Wellcome Trust, London, The National Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington DC and Newark Museum, Newark, New Jersey. This is his second solo exhibition at the gallery.

The reception is on Thursday, October 20th, 6-8pm. The artist will be present.

 at

SKOTO GALLERY
529 West 20th Street, 5thFL
New York, NY 10011

Gallery Hours: Tuesday to Saturday 11 AM – 6 PM

For More Information: Ile Ori/Ori Ile

ORÍ ÒDE/ORÍ INÚ: Metaphysics of the Head in Osi Audu’s Art:

The images in the exhibition convey much more than meet the eye. For, notwithstanding their modernistic aspects, they have been inspired by the Yoruba notion of the self as an interface of spirit and matter, the one empowering the other in the natural world. The head (orí) dominates a typical Yoruba representation of that self for two main reasons. The first has to do with its biological significance as the seat of the brain, which coordinates the activities of the body, and the second, with the belief that the physical head—a site of identity, perception and communication—is no more than the outer shell (orí òde) of an inner/invisible head (orí inú), which localizes àse, the enabling power that sustains the cosmos and determines the personality as well as destiny of an individual. Little wonder that, in the past, many Yoruba dedicated an altar to the inner head (orí inú) for the purpose of harnessing its àse to cope with the existential struggle. This cone-shaped altar (ìborí) was kept inside a container called ilé ori (house of the head). Thus, to the Yoruba, succeeding in life depends, for the most part, on how well you are able to make good use of your head through a variety of processes involving the objective and subjective; the cultural, social, economic, political and spiritual; the technical and artistic, among others.

By employing highly conceptual imagery, Osi Audu hints at the empirical and metempirical dimensions of reality, in addition to stressing the role of the head (the location of the eyes) in its perception and interpretation. His Outer/Inner Head [Orí Òde/Orí Inú], #2, 2011 is a good example. Here, the artist combines minimalist geometric and organic forms with achromatic and contrasting colors to further underscore the interplay of the conscious, subconscious and superconsious in experiential responses, thereby obliging the viewer to look beyond the surface for deeper meanings. As a result, House of the Head [Ilé Orí], 1998, ushers the viewer into a dreamscape of sound and silence, remembering and forgetting, the exoteric and esoteric, the time-bound and timeless—all implicated in the human attempts to make better sense of the heard and unheard, the seen and unseen as well as the actual and virtual. Note the white cone in the middle. It recalls the shape of many Yoruba altars to the inner head (ìborí) and the configuration of an adé, the beaded crown of a Yoruba king (oba), thus stressing the apical location of the head on the human body. In effect, the head is to the self, what a king is to a kingdom and God (Olórun) to the universe–a source of power. This phenomenon also resonates in Osi Audu’s Ilé Orí/Orí Ile [House of the Head/Head of the House], 2011, which invokes the prominent gable roof (kòbì) that often distinguishes the entrance of a Yoruba palace (àfin), identifying the king as the head of the body politic with special powers to provide good leadership.

So it is that the art of Osi Audu conceals and reveals layers of meanings. Apart from exploring ancient and contemporary concepts and aesthetics, it relates brain and mind, body and soul, and the past to the present, offering food for thought and a mirror for self-reflection.

Babatunde Lawal, 2011
Art Historian
Virginia Commonwealth University
Richmond, Virginia

With standing-room only, the 600 seats at the Broad Street Ballroom was filled with fashionistas, buyers, press, designers, admirers and models as Africa Fashion Week July 11-17 kicked off with the with edgy sophistication of Korto Momolu, the Project Runway star from Liberia. Totaling over 21 featured designers including headliner Bill Witherspooon, Kikoromeo, Suakoko Betty, AAMAA a la Mode, Washington Roberts, and Saint Wobil, fashion designers from Africa and the Diaspora were gracing the downtown Manhattan runway. Sponsored by USAID/East Africa’s “Origin Africa”, the three day fashion show and week long programme was organized by luxury brands company Adirée and included an exhibition and industry networking events.

Just a few years old, Africa Fashion Week is a phenomena occurring in London and other major cities. This event is part of an on-going effort to improve African trade and encourage sustainabilty, fair trade and green marketing.  According to Diane Harper, a blogger for USAID, “…By building the capacity and increasing competitiveness of African goods, USAID promotes broad based, sustainable economic growth that is necessary to accelerating development and eradicate poverty in Africa.” Some $7.8 million in business deals where reportedly generated between the American garment sector and African businesses.

With a mirade of cultures whose innovative traditions serve as a source for both  materials and ideas it isn’t surprising that  many US and European designers and fashion houses would look to Africa for inspiration. However, the issue of intellectual property rights, living wages for workers, transfer of techonology and training that will move the continent one step closer towards realization of MDG’s and other socioeconomic objectives is yet to be realized.  The East African Community (EAC) and other regional intergovernmental organizations such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) focused on developing economic markets within the continent seek to make Africa a producer of goods and finished products, not just provider of raw materials, raw talent or skills. Africa Fashion Week (AFW) shows promise. See: www.AFWNY.com

Overall, the show catered to the occidental market but it did host a few gems for those with global African sensibilities. Some of the pieces took our imaginations to the most extreme places, like a few designs those featured in the photo essay.  Mr Witherspoon’s (see photo styling a straw fedora) radically chic, funk-inspired clothing for men mixed bright colored leathers, graphic prints, fake fur, bone and silk to make one of the most potent statements about black male power spiritually; physically; and sartorially made the fashion shows nothing short of fantastic.  But for all its glory, occassioanl groaners and questionable political agenda, it appears the organizers themselves did not fully support the argument they are making for their brand or understand the objectives of Origin African and USAID.

If Adirée expects the rest of us to encourage design and fashion from African then the least they could do is be consistent and through with that most important message. Perhaps they should consider how they show their support and respect for African farmers, weavers, printmakers, designers, tailors, seamstresses, manufacturers, and distributors thorough out the continent by doing what any exceptional artists does well: pay attention to details. With the plethora of European hair weaves flitting about the heads of key organizers of the event, and the hopelessly conventional compunction of having team members do the “NY thing,” with their wardrobe, a powerful message was lost however subliminally on the audience and potential buyers. Namely otherwise beautiful young female ushers of African descent wore “little black dresses” instead of sporting attire no matter how short or of what sartorial tradition that send the message home: Support African Fashion!  And be the change they want to see in the world. Adirée’s organizers and staff should have worn outfits made with African textiles or designed by one of the African designers showcased. They didn’t … Perhaps next year?

All images and reporting by Dowoti Désir

For more AfrobeatRadio Images, visit AfrobeatRadio on Flickr

Ms. Dowoti Désir is the Founder of the DDPA Watch Group. She is culture rights activist, curator of contemporary art in the African Diapsora, and independent scholar based in New York. Dowoti Desir is producer with AfrobeatRadio.

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The struggle for Academic freedom in Malawi began when the Inspector General of Malawi Police, Peter Mukhito, summoned Associate Professor Blessings Chinsinga for interrogation “over the contents of one of his lectures in which he gave reasons for popular protests in Egypt and Tunisia.”

Following the police chief’s quizzing of the lecturer, the academic staff Union called a meeting at which they expressed their fears and dismay about threats to academic freedom. This eventually led to the current stand-off between the University of Malawi and the Inspector General and with the president of Malawi, Bingu Wa Mutharika, taking sides with the Inspector General.

Lecturers at Chancellor College in Malawi, protest limits on academic freedom. Photo courtesy of Daily Times.

AfrobeatRadio/Wuyi Jacobs: Joining us on the phone is Carol Linskey from SUNY Binghamton in New York State. Welcome to AfrobeatRadio.

Carol Linskey: Thank you.

AfrobeatRadio: Can you give us the latest in the crisis of academic freedom in Malawi, concerning the case of Chancellor College in Malawi?

Carol Linskey: Well, the latest is that Jessie [Kabwila - Kapasula] gave an interview on a talk radio programme – Brian Banda’s show, Straight Talk on Malawian radio- where she talked for twenty five minutes about her position there. But, the developments are as you know and the whole stand-off is about Blessings Chinsinga, who gave a lecture, and one of his students then went to the police about the content of this lecture. The Inspector General of the police then came to Chancellor College, also known as CHANCO College in Zomba, and asked the professor about the substance of his lecture. The academic staff union of which Jessie is the acting president then confronted the Inspector General. He would not offer an apology, and even went further to say that academic freedom is limited by national security issues. And this goes against the Malawian constitution. The stand-off is therefore about academic freedom; this is what the struggle is really about.

Lecturers at CHANCO and Polytechnic Colleges have a solid case according to a number of court judgments that have indicated that academic freedom is protected by the constitution. However, a lot of things have been happening lately; the president of Malawi, Bingu Wa Mutharika after siding with the Inspector General has recently come up with a commission to investigate what academic freedom means. And so Jessie [Kabwila - Kapasula] has opposed this move saying that this is intended to limit academic freedom in Malawi. Her view is that academic freedom is freedom to educate people in a university settings and is based on scholarly pursuit. The police have no right to be involved in academic issues according to her and according to the constitution of Malawi.

According to Jessie [Kabwila-Kapasul], the Malawi president actions to establish a committee and meet with the students to hear what they think of these issues is not appropriate and not in accordance with the constitution. He is also not giving the lecturers a chance to speak with him.

AfrobeatRadio: Now, Jessie Kabwila – Kapasula, we understand from some media reports has been fired from her job as a lecturer at the University of Malawi including quite a number of her colleagues.

Carol Linskey: well, I can speak to it from the newspaper’s accounts. A month ago, Jessie and her colleagues went to the courts and they got an injunction against any action by UNIMA [University of Malawi], that’s the University of Malawi Council. So they are still getting paid and they are still considered as employees of the University because they’ve done nothing wrong. They still prepare papers and presentations and do consultative work. The only thing they have refused to do until academic freedom is assured is to give lectures in the classrooms.

AfrobeatRadio: Is Jessie safe? We understand that she seems to be moving from place to place to evade police action.

Carol Linskey: Well, yes. The other day on the 31st of May [2011], in her interview, she said that she felt like a fugitive in her own homeland. About a month ago, she got a call that was threatening. Her neighbors called her and warned her that there were some, I quote “thugs”- that’s how they were described, in front of her home in an unmarked vehicle and told her not to come home. She’s relocated to another town. She must feel it’s very unsafe.

In the background of Malawi politics right now, there are a number of anti- human rights actions that makes many to feel unsafe. It is unsafe to live in Malawi if you are opposed to the president.

AfrobeatRadio: We also understand that the public has been divided on this.

Carol Linskey: The newspapers that have comments sections, have reflected other views on this issue. That’s where I guess a lot of the people express feelings that differ from mine and Jessie’s. A lot of people say that Jessie has a big ego. She is a very strong minded woman and very out-spoken, but she insists that this is not about her. It is about the Academic Staff Union and Malawi’s own constitution. It is a bigger issue; it is about a democratic society.

However, because she is the acting president of the Academic Staff Union, she doesn’t hold her tongue when she knows she is right. That puts her in the spot light and attracts a lot of attention to her. I agree that this is not about Jessie [Kabwila - Kapasula] per se. But I’m concerned about Jessie because she is my friend, but as an academic, I am also concerned about the state of affairs in Malawi in relation to academic freedom..

AfrobeatRadio: In Malawi?

Caroly Linskey: Yes, in Malawi, and the international reverberations around the world. It’s a constitutional issue. Anybody who believes in freedom of speech, and also the place that academic scholars have in our society to educate young people should be concerned. Academics have to be able to investigate all types of questions.

German students protest for academic freedom in Malawi. Courtesy of Nyasa Times

AfrobeatRadio: We also hear talk about going to the UN. Is there something you can tell us about that?

Carol Linskey: That’s what Jessie said. If it goes that far, then they will push it because they are at a standstill in Malawi- a hundred and seven days today. Last Friday, they had a rally in Zomba, walking across the town to raise awareness and they wore red for academic freedom.

There were also people in Germany who did the same thing in solidarity. Malawi is a poor state; forty percent of its income is dependent on donors from the UK, United States and Germany and these donors are withdrawing because of the human rights issues that are going on in the country. You know, if it comes down to somebody’s life being in danger and their freedoms restricted by the leadership of the country, maybe it is time the United Nations should get involved.

AfrobeatRadio: Have you spoken to Jessie yourself, lately?

Carol Linskey: Not lately. We send little messages to each other over Facebook. And I ask is this okay? You know, I always ask her. Yes Carol [Jessie Kabwila - Kapasula would say], thank you very much for looking out for academic freedom in Malawi.

AfrobeatRadio: Can you give us details of her Facebook page, so that people listening can support her and her cause.

Carol Linskey: Yes, there are two actually. One is called Support Jessie Kapasula, an academic in Malawi. And the other one is the International Petition for Academic Freedom in Malawi. This was started by a woman in Germany, in Halle-Wittenberg at the Martin Luther University in Germany. The international petition has already been sent to [President] Mutharika.

AfrobeatRadio: Thank you very much for joining us, Carol.

Carol Linskey: Thank you very much for having me Wuyi, and for looking after academic freedom in Malawi.

This interview was broadcast on AfrobeatRadio on WBAI 99.5 FM on Saturday June 4, 2011. AfrobeatRadio broadcast every Saturday from 4:00 to 5:00 PM EST. Streams live at www.wbai.org.

CALL FOR PAPERS

Women and Film in Africa Conference: Overcoming Social Barriers

Conference organised by the Africa Media Centre, University of Westminster

Date: Saturday 19 and Sunday 20 November 2011
Venue: University of Westminster, Marylebone Campus
35 Marylebone Road, London, NW1 5LS

This is a 1st Call for Papers for a conference on the contemporary and historical role played by women in the film, television and video industries in Africa. From the Arab North Africa, West Africa, Central and East Africa, through to Southern Africa, women have emerged from the double oppression of patriarchy and colonialism to become the unsung heroines of the moving image as producers, directors, actresses, script writers, financiers, promoters, marketers and distributors of film, television and video in post-colonial Africa. Sadly, such immense contributions by women are underrepresented, both in industry debates and in academic research. There are now many cases in which African women in front of and behind the camera have overcome social barriers and yet this is sidelined. This conference invites students, practitioners, academics and researchers to debate how women have contributed to film, television and video markets in Africa from pre-colonial, colonial to postcolonial periods. Existing industry and academic work should also discuss the ways female audiences in Africa have engaged with film, television and video texts. The conference will include a session with leading female filmmakers. Papers may include, but are not necessarily limited to, the following themes:

• The Influence of Feminism on African filmmakers
• Women in front and behind the camera in African film
• Women in the African feature film industry
• Women in technical roles in film, video and television in Africa
• Women documentary makers in Africa
• Gender and Representation of Women in African film
• Audiences for films by African women/Female audiences in Africa
• Case histories of leading African women film makers
• Women scriptwriters
• African women acting in video, film and television
• Censorship and the portrayal of African women in film and television
• The role of NGOs in commissioning women filmmakers and issue-based films
• How African governments have helped or hindered filmmaking by African women

DEADLINE FOR ABSTRACTS

The deadline for submission of abstracts is Friday 16 September, 2011. Successful applicants will be notified by Friday 23 September, 2011. Abstracts should be 200 words long. They must include the title of the conference, presenter’s name, affiliation, email and postal address, together with the title of the paper. Please ensure when saving your abstract that your name is part of the file name. Please email your abstract to Helen Cohen, Events Administrator at: (journalism@westminster.ac.uk).

PROGRAMME AND REGISTRATION

This two day conference will take place on Saturday 19 and Sunday 20 November, 2011. The fee for registration (which applies to all participants, including presenters) will be £135, with a concessionary rate of £55 for students, to cover all conference documentation, refreshments and administration costs. Registration will open in September 2011.

10 richest countries in Africa in term of GDP per Capita (Source: snippets.com)

Bantu-speaking peoples, predominantly Fang, establish the majority of population of the Equatorial Guinea. Bantus have a proverb that deals with the common sense: “There are forty kinds of lunacy, but only one kind of common sense.” Based on how the Equatorial Guinea is currently governed it’s clear that the common sense stopped applying there long time ago violating the great historical and cultural traditions of the Bantu speakers who introduced Iron Age and an agriculture civilization into a surrounding Neolithic hunting and gathering societies very early and probably around the sixth century BC.

The Equatorial Guinea, by far, in term of GDP per capita, is the richest country in Africa, and equal in it to the average for the European Union, exhibits at least  five lunacies which replace the common sense in all the Five Principles of Good Governance (see table below): by illegitimizing the voice of its population – rigging elections is a norm, providing imbalanced direction of its internal development, grossly misusing public resources, showing no executive, legislative or judicial accountability, nor producing an evidence of basic social fairness, while remaining rated as “Worst of the Worst 2011″ in the human rights’ metrics. Let’s look closely.

From "Principles for Good Governance in the 21st Century", Institute on Governance (IOG), Ottawa, Canada

Spanish Guinea, as it was then called, gained independence from Spain in 1968.  From the outset, President Francisco Macías Nguema, began a brutal reign, destroying the economy and abusing human rights to become one of the worst despots in African history. In 1971, the U.S. State Department reported that his regime was “characterized by abandonment of all government functions except internal security, which was accomplished by terror. That approach led to the death or exile of up to one-third of the population.” In 1979, Nguema was overthrown and executed by his nephew, Lieut. Col. Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo.In spite Teodoro Obiang appeared like a revolutionary savior he retained many of his uncle’s dictatorial practices.

Equatorial Guinea is Africa’s only Spanish-speaking country, with the area twice size of the State of Connecticut, and with a population of less than 3/4 of a million.  Equatorial Guinea’s economic boom first began in 1995 through discovery of oil and establishing oil export. Since then, the oil based economy grew nearly 130 times, making Equatorial Guinea the 7th largest producer of oil in Africa, while remaining only the Africa’s 6th smallest population. U.S. imports are up to a hundred thousand barrels of oil a day from the country, steering high interest of large oil companies, and others, whose least concern remains the political corruption and misgovernment.

Shady deals are what Obiang regime specializes in. As per The New York Times, these includes:

• U.S.-based military contractor Military Professional Resources Inc. (MPRI), a Virginia based company headed up by former Donald Rumsfeld’s aide Bantz Craddock, hired for training Equatorial Guinea’s security forces. Former Democratic lobbyist and Clinton administration official Lanny Davis, a recipient of a $1 million per year contract with Equatorial Guinea until earlier this year;

• Qorvis Communications which represents Obiang in Washington and receives a lucrative $60,000 per month retainer in a contract which runs through August 2011, which listed the client’s contact address “3620 Sweetwater Mesa Road, Malibu, CA 90265”, which is the address of Teodoro’s $32 million Malibu mansion;

• Hess Oil, which was paid over $1.3 million to lobby on “education and dissemination of information that ration regarding registrant’s assets in Equatorial Guinea and Libya” in 2009 (Check this lesson). Marathon Oil which spent $1.08 million in the first quarter of 2011 lobbying on a number of foreign policy issues including “investment by Marathon Oil Corporation for developing energy resources in Equatorial Guinea” and “Equatorial Guinea – U.S. Engagement”;

• Exxon which was paid  $6.6 million in 2008 for lobbying, and among other issues of concern, “discussions regarding background on business in Equatorial Guinea.”

Cartoon by Brandon Reynold (Source: africancartoon.com)

The political, economic and social game the Equatorial Guinea plays is conducted in a fashion similar to other oppressive regimes: besides conducting shady international business deals, the governing elite makes a constant efforts at, and allocates significant resources to, maintaining an appearance of legitimacy by financing the international public relations campaigns, while enforcing an internal constitutional and legal framework that works only on paper, with no evidence of any accountability process. Luckily, not everything goes right such as last year when a United Nation agency decided to suspend plans to award a life sciences prize sponsored by Equatorial Guinea.

Every citizen shall enjoy the following rights and freedoms:

…
- Freedom of expression;
- Equality before the law. …
- Freedom of movement and residence;
- Honour and good reputation; …
- The inviolability of the home and the privacy of all correspondence. …
- The right to speak;
- The right to a fair hearing before the courts;
- Freedom of association, of assembly and the right to strike;
- The deprival of liberty except in the cases and according to the manner determined by law;
- The right to hear the charges levied on him;
- The right to presume innocence until found guilty during hearing;
- No person shall arrogate to himself the right to do justice; …
- Shall not be condemned without proof, nor deprived of the right to defense; …

Constitution of the Equitorial Guinea, Item 13 (fragments).

Although the constitution guarantees press freedom, the 1992 press law authorized government censorship forcing all journalists to register with the government. The state holds a near-monopoly on broadcast media, reportedly monitoring Internet communications, planting its own censored information posts such as Equatorial Guinea News on Blogspot.com while providing no access for the independent correspondents.

The constitution also seems to protect religious freedom, while official preference is given to the Roman Catholic Church and the Reform Church of Equatorial Guinea, the freedom of assembly and association is severely restricted, and official authorization for political gatherings is mandatory. There are no effective human rights organizations in the country, and international NGOs are prohibited from promoting or defending human rights. The constitution provides for the right to organize unions but there are solid legal barriers to collective bargaining.

Black Beach Prison

The judiciary is not independent, and the enforcement of the law is done through the security forces that  generally act with impunity. Prison conditions, especially in the notorious Black Beach prison, are extremely harsh. The authorities have been accused of widespread human rights abuses, including torture, detention of political opponents, and extrajudicial killings. In a manner similar to other totalitarian regimes all citizens are required to obtain exit visas to travel abroad, denying the opposition parties such visas. Constitutional and legal guarantees of equality for women are largely ignored, and violence against women is reportedly widespread.

Meanwhile, the president and his family still can use the country’s wealth as their personal ATM machine. Take the president’s son, Teodorin who acquired an impressive collection of luxury properties throughout the world. Back home, he’s the Minister of Forests and with his official income of about 4 thousand dollars a month and still was able to spend almost $44 million on mansions and luxury cars in the US and South Africa between 2004 and 2006. By comparison, the total education budget of the country was less about $43 million in 2005. His recent splurge includes his infamous yacht with a price tag of $380 million which is nearly triple what his country spends on health and education every year.

The lavish lifestyles of the ruling top persist while most people live in crushing poverty and international money laundering is aided by corrupted banks and remains a routine practice. For example, the president kept the country’s oil money at Riggs Bank in Washington DC, and Equatorial Guinea was the bank’s largest client. In 2004, Human Rights Watch helped expose the government’s lavish spending habits. After the US Senate investigation, Riggs received a total of $41 million in fines for failing to comply with anti-money laundering laws. Their dealings with the government of Equatorial Guinea ultimately ruined the bank’s reputation and led to a takeover but no official of Equatorial Guinea’s government was punished.

Equatoguinean President Obiang and Libyan leader Ghaddafi at an EU-African summit (Source: afrol.com)

Another example of lunacy related to PR campaign by Equatorial Guinea authorities is the fact that this month President Teodoro Obiang Nguema inaugurated the city of Sipopo. Sipopo development with the total cost of about $300 million consists 52 luxury presidential villas, a conference hall, an artificial beach, a golf course and the French luxury hotel Sofitel that will be used when Obiang Nguema chairs the African Union and will host its summit for just 2 weeks, starting at the end of June, while the country’s population receives no sufficient social service attention and Equatorial Guinea exhibits the 18th highest infant death rate in Africa. The country will be the host the Africa Cup of Nations in 2012 and more misappropriations are expected.

A poet may express the Equatorial Guinea’s lunacy the best. In the poem, titled “Delirium”, which comes from Marvin Lewis’s “An introduction to the literature of Equatorial Guinea: between colonialism and dictatorship”, the author writes:

Delirium

In the mirror of my past
there appear ghosts enmeshed
in a dark curtain, where my present
is shattered, and my future
crumbles in nothingness.

Faces of shadows swarm
in my mirror!

Your faces sketched by hunger
carry a stamp of misery as deep
as the revolving song of my sadness
that shouts at me to the depth of my bones
that I shall die like the offended Christ
who having been born in his time
those of his era did not recognize him.

—by María Nsue Angüe

Equatorial Guinea is not an exception and other African countries have similar constitutions and proclaim a commitment to constitutional democracy and constitutionalism (a system of laws that must be obeyed by the rulers) in documents such as the Constitutive Act of the African Union (AU, 2000), the Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance (2002) and the Base Document of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM, 2003) adopted within the framework of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD, 2001). Arguably, the absence of constitutional democracy, lack of respect for constitutionalism, and poor governance has been and still remains a significant cause of problems on the continent.

Assembled by Mark Bajkowski

Mark, born in Poland, is a Jack of all trades, master of none, who lives in New York since 1979. Mark has an unusually wide range of interests and is known to relate well to people half his age. Since his early childhood, he felt a curious relation to Africa, which unavoidably brings up the controversial subject of past-life memories.

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KPFA Weekend News, 05.28.2011: Kevin Alexander Gray on musical legend Gil Scott Heron.

Transcript:

KPFA Weekend News Anchor Cameron Jones: KPFA played a two hour tribute to African American musician Gil Scott Heron and KPFA’s Ann Garrison spoke to African American author Kevin Alexander Gray on Gil Scott Heron’s passing.

Gil Scott Heron

KPFA/Ann Garrison: African American musical legend Gil Scott Heron died yesterday. KPFA spoke to Kevin Alexander Gray, longtime civil rights, peace, and justice organizer and the author of Waiting for Lightning to Strike, the Fundamentals of Black Politics about Heron’s legacy. Kevin Alexander Gray, what do you think Gil Scott Heron’s legacy will be?

Kevin Alexander Gray: Well, obviously, he was a great poet, a giant of the spoken word, and Gil Scott Heron spoke about politics as it was. He challenged the corrupt nature of the Nixon Administration, and the fact that Ford had pardoned Nixon. When I was a young man growin’ up in South Carolina, Gil Scott Heron sang about nuclear weapons that were being built in South Carolina, nuclear radiological waste that was being stored in South Carolina. He sang about the connection between South Carolina and South Africa. Gil Scott Heron spoke truth to power, and was probably one of the last contemporary artists whose words challenged the empire that is America. And you don’t have any writers or any poets or any musicians that can parallel his work on the contemporary scene. To say he’s the father of modern hip hop, of modern rap is to say that they have words in common with him, but surely the message doesn’t even compare to his body of work and the teaching, the radical progressivism that he represented throughout his life, no one can match that.

Ann Garrison: Is there any one or several songs that you think are going to be most remembered?

Kevin Alexander Gray

Kevin Alexander Gray: His body of work is just so large. I mean everyone remembers “The Revolution Will Not Be Televised,” but a lotta people don’t remember “H20GATE, Kevin Alexander Gray Watergate Blues,” in which he sang about Richard Nixon and Watergate, or, when Gerald Ford gave Nixon a pardon, “We Beg Your Pardon, America,” or “Whitey’s on the Moon”: “Rat bit my sister today, but Whitey’s on the moon.” That’s an awesome song. His body of work is just so huge. Y’know one thing about his passing that has been kind of a mixed blessing is that people have gone back to listen to all the work that he produced in his life.

KPFA: Well, we had a two hour special here at KPFA today and want to tell our listeners that that’s available in the KPFA archives here, at: kpfa.org.

Kevin Alexander Gray, thank you for speaking to KPFA.

Kevin Alexander Gray: Thank you.

KPFA: For Pacifica, KPFA and AfrobeatRadio, I’m Ann Garrison.

by Ann Garrison

San Francisco writer Ann Garrison writes for the San Francisco Bay View, Global Research, Colored Opinions, Black Star News, the Newsline EA (East Africa) and her own blog, Ann Garrison, and produces forAfrobeatRadio on WBAI-NYC, Weekend Newson KPFA and her own YouTube Channel, AnnieGetYourGang. She can be reached at ann@afrobeatradio.com.

Gaddafi’s overextended excursion to power began in 1972 with the overthrow of the British backed the grandson of the Grand Senussi of the Muslim order, King Idris (Sayyid Muhammad Idris bin Muhammad al-Mahdi). A tainted human right track record however did not prevent him from creating a quality of life for Libyans most Americans would envy. Among the Libyan leaders credits are underwriting a bulk of the African Union’s annual operating budget and providing monetary support for the telecommunications infrastructure of many African countries

As civil strife continues in Libya and the US and NATO attempts to oust Libyan leader Muamur Gaddafi, the collateral damage and soft atrocities done to the African continent as a result of this conflict remain unaccounted. Members of the academic and activist communities expressed their disbelief and dismay when they learned UNESCO’S Director General Irina Bokova put the UN agency’s most critical project in Africa in harm’s way: the 8 volume scholarly masterpiece, The General History of Africa. “This is an important issue as the future of our children is at stake” stated Prof. Bankie F. Bankie, a Namibian legal scholar and former diplomat. Destroying Gaddafi’s military bases is not the only structural damage that the US and its NATO allies enabled but others unmapped in war rooms such as education and its dissemination, is pressed into fodder. Just as there remains lingering doubts about the legitimacy of NATO’s involvement in the Libyan war, the legitimacy of the Director General’s sole decision to return funds donated by the Gaddifi Foundation towards the General History of Africa, something that exceeds her jurisdiction, raises questions about what the real motivations behind her actions. An unlikely warmonger, the 59 year old Bulgarian ex-Parlimentarian, Director-General of UNESCO Irina Bokova, issued the following statement

“…UNESCO halts all cooperation with Libya. UNESCO has been involved in a range of a ctivities in Libya, notably in the areas of science, culture and communication. Many of these activities have been funded under a partnership agreement with the Gaddafi International Foundation for Charity Associations, signed in 2001. This partnership has now been terminated.”

Bokova’s unilateral decision to drop the bomb on the 8-volume text exemplifies the most problematic aspects of cultural diplomacy. As some progressive policy makers have noted, such actions feed into the imperialist dynamics of North/South relations that has leaders of the global North treating African and intra-African relations as inert and restrictive. Moral and cognitive separations are made between Africa and the rest of the world so that actions taken by the dominating discourse are applied to the continent without weighing African realities. Bokova further infantilizes the relationship UNESCO has with the African Union by reaching such a damning conclusion without their consultation, participation, and input. Cutting funds on the project has global implications, as the books are not only intended to benefit Africans but the African Diaspora as well. The foundation of trust that UNESCO has as a neutral steward of education, science and culture, and is charged to create and uphold appears breeched.

Perhaps, if Bokova had consulted with her African counterparts, she would have considered how partitioning the African continent in 1885, followed by it subsequent colonization, enabled the confiscation of mineral wealth that further enriched Europe and the Americas. Indiscriminate segregation of traditional nations and borders lead to or nurtured internecine wars. These combination of factors resulted in the continent’s underdevelopment. Africa’s “brain drain” facilitated underutilization of the continent’s human capital and ultimately created poverty. The latent historic, social, and economic inequalities (caused by colonialism and globalization) are among those responsible for the revolts and revolutions mining the African continent today.

Irina Bokova

Bokova joined UNESCO as its first female Director General in 2009. Now, more than ten years after the completion of this critical piece of scholarship, she seems determined to undermine what is perhaps the agency’s most ambitious project, the General History of Africa (GHA). The eight-volume set, 35 years in the making was initiated immediately following the independence of most African countries, in 1964. Crafted by 350 prominent historians and world experts, two-thirds of whom were Africans, the GHA was completed in 1999. Each volume is over 800- pages long. An additional 9^th volume a Guide to the Sources of the History of African as well as other anxcillary materials has been completed.

Although recognized world wide and available for purchase on CD-ROM with free excerpts available on-line, the books are still underutilized. The GHA is informed by the continent’s vision of itself; constructs a continental identify for Africans; and encourages a healthy respect and appreciation of the tremendous diversity of the African continent and its cultures. More importantly, it challenges the Eurocentric presentations of African history and is a major step in decolonizing the mindset of Africans, re-educating her historical oppressors and their descendants.

Ironically publications bearing Bokova’s name in their forward demonstrate how well she comprehends the devastating impact of war on education. The UNESCO text, “Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2011, the Hidden Crises: Armed Conflict and Education,” pointedly states that when wars break out, international attention and media reporting invariably focus on the most immediate images of human suffering. Masked behind these images however is how in the global South (countries outside the United States, the UK, Europe et al) conflicts are destroying not only school infrastructure but the hopes and ambitions of generations of children. The report again signed off by Bokova categorically states with countries in conflict, there are damaging consequences for education noting, Schools are often used to transmit intolerance, prejudice and social injustice.

The report deemed an authourtative reference for education policy identifies strategies for strengthening the role of education in peace building. Yet these principles appear to have been defenestrated when the decision to forgo the use of Libyan contributed funds – some $2 million out of a total of $8 million needed to incorporate GHA’s assets into the formal education systems for schools throughout the African continent. Funds are also needed for professional development of teachers, teacher guides, lesson plans, translations of the 6,400+ page set into Africa’s principle languages among other items needed?. The faulty logic applied by Bokova assumes that this is a Libyan project. In fact, as the principal title states simply and clearly, it is an African project. Paradoxically the General History of Africa is one of the few UNESCO projects initiated, managed, and intended to benefit Africans and her Diaspora. www.unesco.org/culture/africa

Amputating the GHA project during 2011, United Nations International Year of African Descent and the 10th Anniversary of the Durban Declaration & Programme of Action puts the otherwise respected and highly regarded Bokova, and her agency into question. She condemns these materials to collecting dust literally and electronically as this enormous body of scholarship needs marketing and translation into useful, implemental pedagogical tools for the African masses and members of the Diaspora unfamiliar with their histories. When the GHA crises was bought to the attention of Kenneth B. Morris, Jr., the Great-great-great grandson of the re-known d African American orator Frederick Douglass and the Great-great-grandson of educator Booker T. Washington, he stated:

“Science has proven how each of us carries the history of our people within our genes. By truly understanding the journey of my ancestors; what they believed, the struggles they faced and the obstacles they overcame, I begin to understand myself. If I feel as though I descend from nothing, in my mind I am no one. Once I learn, however, of the strength and the modest miracles it required to deliver me to this place in time, I begin to understand my own powers and the greatness within me. History is not the study of other people it’s a record of my own.”

Critical information from a range of disciplines retrains readers to understand the history of humanity begins in Africa and that the history of Africans, particularly Sub-Saharan peoples did not begin with the massive deportation and enslavement of Africans in the TransAtlantic, Oceanic, and Trans-Saharan slave trades. The GHA as a scholarly exercise was intended by its African conceptualizers to serve as a tool for countering the psychological and political obstacles to development and human capacity building. This unprecedented move begs the question to what extent the institutionalized recriminations faced by this project, and its chief stakeholders: the African Ministers of Education and Culture, the teachers, and most importantly, students of the African continent, and ultimately her Diaspora, are not indeed the most recent victims of a new form of racism manifested coyly as a sophisticated, soft prejudice buried under the guise of cultural diplomacy? Could the new face of discrimination be mirrored as a United Nations affiliate?

Without the Gaddifi monies, and without a proposed strategic plan for its replacement, Afro-descendants are once again deprived of means to fuel the activities that might affirmatively transform their lives. If the founders of the General History of Africa envisioned this opus magnum as not only a scholarly/educational and psychological tool, could it have been seen as a restitutional one? One that restores Africa’s rich and diverse history to the world as it affirms the pride and dignity of people who were made coward, angered and ashamed under the shackles of enslavement, colonialism, and apartheid?

Is it possible, however surreptitious, that this 35 year labour was also conceived as a form of reparations? Former UN Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism and UNESCO insider, DouDou Diène and the French-based Congolese scholar Mutombo Kanyana argue for reparations in the form of moral and educational issues that must be redressed. For them, education is a large part of the bigger philosophic issues that confront the agents engaged in the argument for reparations. As a project imagined, initiated, and managed by Africans in response to the challenges and responsibilities of independence, self-determination, and self-governance called for in the prevailing PanAfrican framework of the time, one might also contend that any monies procured to assist the project regardless of its source, at any stage of its development, including the solicitation, refusal of, or return of funds should be an African decision. Why isn’t this an African determination, to be made by member states, especially those most invested in the work and not by the guardians of the project — in this instance UNESCO? The fate of the GHA is also a moral one, speaking to the enfranchisement of knowledge, its interpretation and dissemination.  If we can consider and accept the possibility that this broader notion of reparations was what the founding body of GHA had in mind, then the Director General’s actions are indefensible.

UNESCO’s actions have not gone unnoticed in this historic year UN International Year for People of African Descent. The global African community has begun to mobilize itself against this kind of discrimination. Notification by the Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent as part of a larger set of concerns regarding efforts to undermine the 10-year anniversary of the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action is in place.

The current UN Special Rapporteur on contemporary racism, Mr. Githu Muigai, shall be called to scrutinize this situation further by members of civil society who gathered in France during their national day for Commemoration of the Abolition of Slavery May 10^th. The African Union whose credibility and organizational viability is now at stake since a large portion of the AU’s annual operating budget was provided by the Libyan government, has not yet articulated a remedial plan. At the time of publication, no one from the African Union’s New York offices could be found for comments, their telephone numbers are disconnected.

While the Director General indicated she would resume cooperation with Libya as soon as “the rights of the Libyan people are fully respected,” she may be waiting a long time. Madame Bokova might in the interim respect the larger needs of the continent, reverse her position, and find alternative means for expressing her discontent with Mr. Gaddafi and his foundation.

by Mariana Lambert Victorin

The Fellowship seeks nominations for 2012 MBA Fellows for the full-time one year MBA Program beginning January 2012 at ESMT. The value of the Fellowship, which includes full-tuition coverage, travel expenses, health insurance and a monthly stipend, is EUR 58,000 (US$80,000). Up to three fellowships are available for 2012. The deadline for completed applications is September 30th, 2011, but we recommend that applicants begin the process as soon as possible.

We are looking for early to mid-career professionals from any discipline who have already demonstrated exceptional leadership potential and could benefit from an MBA at this time in their career. The average age on our program is 30, the average professional experience is 6 years post-graduate.

Applicants must demonstrate a commitment to return to their home region. Upon return, the Fellows are expected to contribute to the strengthening of entrepreneurial capacity and the fostering of a stable market economy as an effective catalyst for their country’s development, job creation, and poverty alleviation.

Successful candidates will have a minimum of three years postgraduate work experience, at least a Bachelor’s degree qualification and a high degree of proficiency in English. While applicants should normally be resident in one of the UN’s Least Developed Countries (LDCs) or Landlocked Developing Countries (LLDCs), applicants from other African countries will also be accepted.

Further details on the Fellowship program can be found by downloading our Fellowship brochure (http://www.esmt.org/fm/291/ESMT_Kofi_Annan_Fellowship.pdf)

e-mail: mba@esmt.org
Tel: +49-30-21231-1405

Jessie Kabwila-Kapasula

There is good reason to be concerned for the safety of our friend and colleague Jessie Kabwila-Kapasula. After earning her PhD in Comparative Literature at BU in 2010, Jessie returned to her homeland in Malawi at the beginning of this year, hired as head of the English department at Chancellor College, the main constituent college of the University of Malawi. Immediately she began to serve as acting president of the teacher’s union, Chancellor College Academic Staff Union (CCASU). The present situation began around February 12, when her Chancellor College colleague, Blessings Chinsinga, Associate Professor of the Department of Political and Administrative Studies, was summoned by the police chief, Inspector General Peter Mukhito and asked about the content of a lecture he gave. Allegedly, Chinsinga compared the popular protests in Egypt and Tunisia to Malawi’s fuel and food crisis. On February 21, Lecturers (professors) at Chancellor College marched to Eastern Police headquarters to present a petition to Mukhito against “political threats and intimidation,” citing a number of articles from the Malawi constitution that ensure academic freedom. The academic staff also noted that the police chief’s action was based on information passed on by “informers in our lecture rooms” (Nyasa Times, 21 February 2011). The union asked for an apology from the chief of police and assurances that the Constitution of the nation would be upheld. The lecturers declared that they would not hold lectures until they were assured. Mukhitho stated that issues of national security limit the right of academic freedoms.

The President of Malawi, Bingu wa Mutharika, supported the Inspector General of Malawi Police, who “will not apologize to anyone, I repeat, Mr. Mukhitho will not apologize to anyone.” He repeated himself once again in Chichewa, the official language of Malawi and Zambia, to underscore his tone of authority (Nyasa Times, 22 March 2011).

Mutharika also ordered the lecturers to resume their work. Jessie and her colleagues asserted that they were afraid to enter classes because the Inspector General had not assured academic freedom that is provided for under the Malawi Constitution. In the middle of March, the education minister, Ben Phiri, has also indicated that “there is still room for further negotiations” to resolve the standoff. But the University of Malawi (Unima) Council, chaired by James Seyani, ordered its employees to resume classes by March 24 or face disciplinary action. Those willing to return had to sign a declaration designed by the Council. The CCASU held a meeting and resolved to stand their ground, and issued a renewed call for an apology and assurances that their rights as academics would not be violated by the police, government, or University of Malawi (Unima) administrators. They obtained a stay order from court against any directive forcing them to be in class before their demands are met.

On March 31st a number of students held a demonstration in support for their Lecturers. The police broke up their demonstration, hurting a number of students and arrested others. Apparently the union lawyers who went to visit the students in jail and in the hospital were denied access. A student at Polytechnic told a local reporter that they were demonstrating against the Lecturers’ decision to end their boycott and return to class before they got assurances that their freedoms would be respected. (Nyasa Times, 1 April 2011).

On April 6, the authorities of the University Council ordered the closure of the schools involved with the boycott, Chancellor College (Chanco) and the Polytechnic (Poly), in defiance of the court order. On April 8 Jessie claimed that neighbors tipped her off that there were some “thugs in unmarked vehicles looking for her” near her home. She said, “No amounts of threats will take me away from what I stand for. I will continue fighting until Mukhito addresses our demand unconditionally.” Yet she was forced to relocate to another city. She also applied for a visa to come to the US to attend conferences but Immigration Department of the Internal Affairs Ministry of Malawi has not issued her with a new passport (Nyasa Times, 7 April 2011 and the Malawi Democrat, 8 April 2011).

As of April 13, Jessie’s name is included among a group of human rights activists who told the newpapers that they are under attack by the government (The Nation, 12 April 2011). She is in hiding in another town in Malawi. The latest news came on Wednesday when Malawi High Court Judge Rowland Mbvundula also dismissed an application by the Unima Council and some students to force boycotting lecturers at Chancellor College (Chanco) and the Polytechnic (Poly) back to class (Nyasa Times, 14 April 2011).

Considering Jessie Kabwila-Kapasula is an alumni of Binghamton University and served honorably as the Graduate Student Organization (GSO) President in 2008-09, it is my belief that Binghamton University should come to her defense. We should recognize her as a product of our university deserving our support and care as Binghamton university’s ambassador to East Africa, who is fighting for the integrity of academic freedom.

by Carol Linksy SUNY

SKOTO GALLERY 529 West 20th Street, 5FL.

New York, NY 10011 212-352 8058
info@skotogallery.com www.skotogallery.com

Transformation I, 2011, mixed media on paper, 11.5x8.25 inches

Transformation

Fathi Hassan

New Works

May 26th – July 2nd, 2011

Skoto Gallery is pleased to present Transformation, an exhibition of new works by Egyptian-born artist Fathi Hassan, who is based in Italy. This will be his first solo exhibition at the gallery. The reception will be on Thursday, May 26th, 6-8pm.

Fathi Hassan’s new works continues his exploration of representational possibilities of language inspired by texts from the Arabic calligraphy, firmly rooted in a framework of references that reflect his Nubian heritage and willingness to embrace a continuum of cultural precedents and influences. Although the texts in his work have no instantly legible meanings or available definitions, it nevertheless serves as specific link between the ambiguities that exist in the writing of images and the images of writing and aims to give voice to the lost traditions of his homeland. He explores the tension between contained energy and boundless space, though he pays tribute to oral traditions, unwritten history and identity, he still manages to avoid a mere evocation of the past or a lost homeland in his work, the visual resonance is undeniable, attesting to the resilience and undying spirit of a people.

He employs expressive gestures and deep sensitivity to texture with swift powerful movement of the brush to create work that is never merely decorative, yet embodies a philosophy of communication which obliges us to reflect anew upon what may unite or what may differentiate among the spoken word, writing and representation. In performance, installations, photography and paintings he exploits the themes of memory, history and the passage of time through the filter of personal experience in making art away from his homeland over the last three decades. Fathi Hassan possesses an inimitable ability to unite color, light and surface while pushing the bounds of his aesthetic to create works of remarkable elegance and lyrical beauty. His work evokes a poetic intimacy that allows the past to be continually revealed through the present.

Fathi Hassan was born in 1957 to a Nubian family in Cairo, where his parents relocated after being displaced by the planned flooding during the construction of the Aswan Dam. He has often reflected upon this turmoil of displacement and dislocation in his work. He studied at the School of Fine Arts, Naples, Italy in 1979-84, and has participated in several exhibitions in Africa, Europe and the USA, including Harem Aleikum, curated by Rose Issa Projects, Leighton House Museum, London, 2010; Arabicity – Such a Near East, Bluecoat Arts Center, Liverpool, England and Arabicity – Arabi, Beirut Exhibition Center, Lebanon; also curated by Rose Issa Projects in 2010; “Apperto 88” ,Venice Biennial in 1988; 9th Cairo International Biennial, 2003; National Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington DC in 2005, Dak’art – Dakar Biennial, Dakar, Senegal, 2008; and Villa Pisani, Str, Venice, Italy in 2008. He is in numerous collections including the British Museum, the Victoria and Albert Museum in London and the National Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington DC.